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单词 taxes
释义

taxes

enUK

tax·es

T0063650 (tăk′sēz)n. A plural of taxis.
Translations
  • Are taxes included? (US)
    Is VAT included? (UK) → 包含增值税吗?

taxes

enUK

(as) certain as death and taxes

Certain to happen; inevitable and unavoidable. A variation of the proverbial phrase, "Nothing is certain but death and taxes." They just aren't right for each other; they're certain as death and taxes to break up eventually. The two brothers will be forever at each other's throats, as certain as death and taxes.See also: and, certain, death, taxes

(as) sure as death and taxes

Certain to happen; inevitable and unavoidable. A variation of the proverbial phrase, "Nothing is certain but death and taxes." They just aren't right for each other; they're sure as death and taxes to break up eventually. The two brothers will be forever at each other's throats, as sure as death and taxes.See also: and, death, sure, taxes

sin tax

A tax on items considered harmful and non-essential, such as cigarettes and alcohol. Primarily heard in US. I hope you're prepared to pay a sin tax on those cigarettes.See also: sin, tax

death and taxes

Two things generally regarded as certain to happen, inevitable, or unavoidable. A reference to the proverbial phrase, "Nothing is certain but death and taxes." They just aren't right for each other, so I think their break-up is as certain as death and taxes. The two brothers will be forever at each other's throats, as sure as death and taxes.See also: and, death, taxes

tax (one) with (something)

1. To hold one responsible or accountable for something. Often used in passive constructions. As a customer support representative, just be aware that customers are going to tax you with any and all issues they have with the service. I'm used to being taxed with the mistakes of my subordinates.2. To accuse one of something; to lay blame on one for something. Often used in passive constructions. Police taxed him with aggravated assault and public endangerment. He was taxed with deceiving his clients in order to charge them for things they hadn't asked for.See also: tax

nothing is certain but death and taxes

The only two certainties in life are that one will inevitably pass away and that one must pay taxes until that comes to pass. I wouldn't be so sure that investment will pay off like you expect. Nothing is certain in this life but death and taxes.See also: and, but, certain, death, nothing, taxes

pink tax

The higher price often applied to products or services that are for or are marketed to women, especially when such products are similar or nearly identical to products or services for or marketed to men. The term refers to the fact that many such products are in fact pink. However, the term does not refer to an actual tax. A: "Why are my razors so much more expensive than my husband's?" B: "Because of the pink tax, that's why."See also: pink, tax

Nothing is certain but death and taxes.

Prov. Everything in life is unpredictable, except that you can be sure you will die and you will have to pay taxes. (You can also refer to death and taxes as the only certain things in life.) Son: I can't believe how much tax money is being withheld from my paycheck! Father: Welcome to adult life, where nothing is certain but death and taxes.See also: and, but, certain, death, nothing, taxes

death and taxes, certain as

Also, sure as death and taxes. Bound to occur, inevitable, as in His business is going to fail, certain as death and taxes. This phrase was invented by Benjamin Franklin in a letter (1789) and has been repeated ever since, the government's recurring need for revenue probably assuring its continued popularity. See also: and, certain, death

death and taxes

If you compare something to death and taxes, you mean that it is impossible to avoid. As with death and taxes, it was a certain that the rain would arrive just in time for their holiday. Note: Benjamin Franklin said `In this world nothing can be said to be certain, except death and taxes.' See also: and, death, taxes

death and taxes, (certain as)

Absolutely inevitable. This ironic phrase was coined by Benjamin Franklin in a letter to Jean Baptiste Le Roy in 1789: “But in this world nothing can be said to be certain, except death and taxes.” It has been repeated ever since. See also: and, death

death and taxes

Symbols of inevitability. Benjamin Franklin observed that “In this world nothing can be said to be certain, except death and taxes.” English novelist Daniel Defoe said much the same thing a century earlier.See also: and, death, taxes

Taxes

enUK

Taxes

 

mandatory payments levied by the state on legal and physical persons.

Taxes first appeared with society’s division into classes and with the emergence of the state. They are used to finance state expenditures. The basic socioeconomic character of taxes, as well as their exact structure and role, is determined by the economic and political system prevailing within society and the basic nature of the state that follows from this. “Taxes,” K. Marx pointed out, “embody the economically expressed existence of the state” (K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch., 2nd ed., vol. 4, p. 308).

In antagonistic socioeconomic systems, taxes operate as one of the main sources of income for the exploitative state. The greatest burden falls on the working people, who are thus additionally exploited. Extensive tax systems existed as early as the slaveholding and feudal societies, primarily in the form of collections in kind, including such items as food, forage, and equipment for the army and navy, as well as personal obligations such as participation in military compaigns. With the development of commodity-money relationships, taxes were levied predominantly in monetary form, attaining their highest development under capitalism, especially in the period of imperialism. Under state-monopoly capitalism, the militarization of the economy, the bloating of the state administrative apparatus, and the expansion of state regulation of the capitalist economy in the interests of monopoly capital cause a swift rise in taxes. Among the developed capitalist countries in the late 1960’s, the proportion of national income diverted to the state budget through taxes was 35 percent in the United States, 45 percent in Great Britain, 37 percent in France, 38 percent in the Federal Republic of Germany, and 28 percent in Japan. Between 1950 and 1970, tax revenues in these countries increased by three to six times and now constitute up to 70–80 percent of state budgetary revenue.

Taxes are levied either directly or indirectly. Direct taxes are imposed on the income or assets of legal and physical persons. A distinction is made between real direct taxes, which are levied on land, livestock, and real property, and personal direct taxes, which are imposed on the income or property of physical persons. The latter type includes income taxes, property taxes, taxes on monetary capital and excess profits, and gift and inheritance taxes. Indirect taxes, also called excise taxes, are imposed as part of the prices charged for goods, primarily consumer goods. This gives the ruling classes significant privileges, as the tax burden is shifted almost wholly onto the poorer strata of the population, who consume most of these goods. For this reason, V. I. Lenin called such indirect taxes taxes on the poor (Poln. sobr. soch., 5th ed., vol. 6, p. 262).

During the period of imperialism, the volume and relative proportion of direct taxes tend to grow. This is a result of such factors as intensified class contradictions; growing struggle by the working class for more progressive forms of taxation, with increased tax rates for larger incomes; growth of military and police expenditures in the state budget, for which taxes imposed on the working people become clearly inadequate; and struggle among various groupings within the ruling classes. It is also relevant that indirect taxes raise prices and thus limit the possibilities of expanding both domestic and export markets.

Under capitalism, taxes are antipopular in nature, with their primary burden falling on the working people. In the early 1970’s in such countries as the United States, the Federal Republic of Germany, and France, taxes consumed up to 25–30 percent of the income of the average working family. The capitalists attempt to evade payment of taxes by taking advantage of commercial secrecy, by falsifying business records, and by using other loopholes to conceal their true income. Various forms of direct and concealed state subsidies to monopolies, such as accelerated depreciation or defense contracts involving exaggerated costs, which in effect return to the monopolies the capital that was taken from them through taxes, have recently become especially widespread. The class-based, antipopular nature of taxes is also seen in the whole system of advantages offered to capitalists throughout the tax system, such as special rebates, large deductions from taxable income, special concessions for corporations for depletion of mineral wealth, and allowances for interest payments on indebtedness. The exemption from any taxation of funds set aside for depreciation, retention in reserve, and charity also illustrates this point.

In tsarist Russia, indirect taxes were the basis of the tax system. Income thus gained from the alcoholic beverage monopoly constituted 28.6 percent of all budget revenue from 1909 to 1913. Excise taxes on sugar and other consumer goods also brought in major receipts. Direct taxes on land or manufacturing played a considerably smaller role in the budget. Substantial concessions were given to the bourgeoisie and landowners in the levying of direct taxes; these taxes thus became, a heavy burden on the broad masses of peasants. A characteristic feature of the tax system in Russia was the absence of an income tax, which was resisted by the bourgeoisie and landowners. The income tax was introduced only on Jan. 1, 1917, under pressure from the revolutionary movement.

Under socialism, taxes are one of the means of planned distribution and redistribution of a portion of national income in the interests of building communism. Socialist ownership of the means of production permits the state to carry on direct distribution of national income and provide the largest part of state budgetary income through receipts from the socialist economy. In the late 1960’s this source constituted more than 90 percent of state budgetary income in the USSR, about 85 percent in Poland, and about 90 percent in Czechoslovakia. Taxes imposed on the populace make up an insignificant part of state budgetary income, providing about 8 percent of such income in the USSR in 1973. A characteristic feature of taxes under socialism is their effective return: the capital mobilized through taxes is used for social needs. In 1973, appropriations for sociocultural needs and science alone equaled more than four times the amount of taxes paid by the populace.

The tax policy adopted by the socialist state relates to the tasks that the state must accomplish at the various stages of building communism. After the dictatorship of the proletariat was established, the state used taxes to undercut the economic strength of the bourgeoisie, for example, the extraordinary indemnification taxes. During the period of transition, the tax system was directed toward restricting and supplanting capitalist elements in both the city and the countryside and toward strengthening the alliance between the working class and the laboring peasantry. Tax concessions for farms of intermediate size were combined with the partial or complete exemption from taxation of the holdings of poor peasants. Income tax rates on production and office workers were moderately progressive, with high nontaxable minimums and specific concessions for poorly paid groups among the populace. Taxes on enterprises provided one form of indirect regulation of their activity. Indirect taxes were also levied along with direct taxes and taxes on income and assets, but unlike the excise taxes collected under capitalism, the highest rates were now imposed on luxury goods, not on widely used consumer goods.

The 1930 tax reform in the USSR merged all tax and nontax payments made to the state budget. For socialist enterprises, previous taxes were replaced with two forms of extracting revenue for the state budget—the turnover tax and allocations from profit. With the victory of socialism, the system of taxation levied on the populace was also altered. Upon elimination of capitalist elements, such taxes as the tax on excess profits and the dwellings tax were completely abolished, and the income and agricultural taxes were appropriately restructured. The proportion of total taxes made up by direct taxes on the populace decreased sharply.

During the Great Patriotic War of 1941–45, the share of state budgetary income derived from taxes on the populace rose. Along with changes in state and local taxes, such taxes as the war tax and the tax on bachelors, persons living alone, and small families were instituted. This enabled the state to mobilize the additional resources needed for the country’s defense. In the postwar years, taxes imposed on the populace have steadily declined. The war tax was completely abolished in 1946 and the bachelor tax and agricultural tax were significantly reduced.

The Twenty-first Congress of the CPSU in 1959 adopted a decision on the gradual abolition of taxes on the populace. The law on the Abolition of Taxes on the Wages of Production and Office Workers, adopted in May 1960, was worked out in accordance with this decision and is being put into effect through a gradual rise in nontaxable minimum income levels and an expansion of tax concessions. In a number of regions of the country where the minimum wage paid production and office workers was raised to 70 rubles a month in 1972, taxes on all earnings to this level were abolished and the tax rates on wages up to 90 rubles a month were decreased by an average of more than one-third. The Program of the CPSU envisions the complete abolition of taxes levied on the populace.

REFERENCES

Marx, K., and F. Engels. Moraliziruiushchaia kritika i kritiziruiushchaia moral’. Soch., 2nd ed., vol. 4.
Marx, K., and F. Engels. “Émile de Girardin, Sotsializm i nalog (Paris, 1850).” Ibid., vol 7. (Review originally published in Neue Rheinische Zeitung: Politisch-Ökonomische Revue, no. 4).
Lenin, V. I. K derevenskoi bednote. Poln. sobr. soch., 5th ed., vol. 7.
Lenin, V. I. Agrarnyi vopros ν Rossii k kontsu XIX veka. Ibid., vol. 17.
Lenin, V. I. Kapitalizm i nalogi. Ibid., vol. 23.
Lenin, V. I. “Doklad o zamene razverstki natural’nym nalogom [na X s’ezde RKP (b)].” Ibid, vol. 43.
Programma KPSS. Moscow, 1973.
D’iachenko, V. P. Sovetskie finansy ν pervoifaze razvitiia sotsialisticheskogo gosudarstva. Moscow, 1947.
Mar’iakhin, G. L. Ocherki istorii nalogov ν SSSR. Moscow, 1964.
Finansy kapitalisticheskikh gosudarstv. Moscow, 1971. (By a group of authors headed by B. G. Boldyrev.)

G. L. MAR’IAKHIN

taxes

enUK

taxes

(tăk′sēz)n. A plural of taxis.

Taxes

enUK

Independent Contractor

A person who contracts to do work for another person according to his or her own processes and methods; the contractor is not subject to another's control except for what is specified in a mutually binding agreement for a specific job.

An independent contractor contracts with an employer to do a particular piece of work. This working relationship is a flexible one that provides benefits to both the worker and the employer. However, there are drawbacks to the relationship as well. The decision to hire or work as an independent contractor should be weighed carefully. Properly distinguishing between employees and independent contractors has important consequences, and the failure to maintain the distinction can be costly.

Taxes

The status of independent contractor carries with it many tax ramifications. For example, an employee shares the costs of Social Security and Medicare taxes with his or her employer; whereas an independent contractor is responsible for the entire amounts. Yet independent contractors generally qualify for more business deductions on their federal income taxes than do employees. Also, independent contractors must pay estimated taxes each quarter, whereas employees generally have taxes withheld from their paychecks by their employer.

One important disadvantage of working as an independent contractor is that standard employment benefits—such as health, life, dental, and disability insurance; funded retirement plans; paid vacation time; and paid maternity or Paternity leave—are not available. Independent contractors may fund their own benefits, but not on a tax-free basis—whereas many benefits provided by employers to employees are, by law, tax free.

Labor Relations

Congress and the states have enacted numerous laws geared toward protecting employees. The National Labor Relations Act (29 U.S.C.A. § 152(3)) protects employees and union members from unfair bargaining practices; Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 (42 U.S.C.A. § 2000 et seq.) protects employees from discrimination on the basis of race, sex, religion, and national origin; the Age Discrimination in Employment Act (20 U.S.C.A. § 623) protects employees from age discrimination; the Fair Labor Standards Act (29 U.S.C.A. § 203) establishes Minimum Wage and overtime standards; the Employee Retirement Income Security Act of 1974 (29 U.S.C.A. § 1002) ensures the security of employee retirement funds; and the occupational safety and health act (29 U.S.C.A. § 652) protects employees from environmental work hazards. Most states also have unemployment and work-ers' compensation laws, which obligate employers to pay, directly or indirectly, for medical treatment or lost wages, or both, for employees who are injured while at work or who lose their job. None of these laws protect independent contractors. And because compliance often comes at great expense, employers can significantly reduce their liability and increase their profit margin by hiring independent contractors rather than employees.

Economics and Social Policy

Although not protected by law to the extent of an employee, an independent contractor has far greater control over elements such as work hours and work methods. Unlike most employees, an independent contractor may opt to work at night or on weekends, leaving weekdays free. An independent contractor may choose to wear blue jeans or a business suit, take one week of vacation or 30 weeks, or interrupt work to attend a child's school play or to go to the beach. Moreover, although the other contracting party retains control over the finished work product, an independent contractor has exclusive control over the actual work process. Decisions such as whether to work for one person or several, whether to work a little or a lot, whether to accept or reject an undesirable work project, and how much money to charge are made by the independent contractor.

The other party, in turn, enjoys mainly profit-related advantages by hiring an independent contractor instead of an employee. For one thing, an employer need not provide an independent contractor with vacation time, Pension, insurance, or other costly benefits. Management costs that ordinarily go toward training and overseeing large numbers of employees decrease when independent contractors do the work. Some say that because independent contractors benefit directly from their hard work, the quality of their work may be higher than it is for full-time employees who might be less motivated. And by hiring independent contractors, an employer enjoys the greater ease and flexibility to expand and contract the workforce as demand rises and falls.

Tort Liability

The common-law doctrine of Respondeat Superior holds an employer liable for the negligent acts of its employee. Generally, under Common Law, the hiring party is not responsible for the Negligence of an independent contractor. The Restatement (Second) of Torts identifies a few exceptions to this rule. The hiring party may be liable when, owing to its failure to exercise reasonable care to retain a competent and careful contractor, a third party is physically harmed. Also, when an independent contractor acts pursuant to orders or directions negligently given by the hiring party, the latter may be held liable. Notwithstanding the exceptions, the hiring party's risk of liability is greatly reduced by hiring independent contractors rather than employees.

Defining the Independent Contractor

No consistent, uniform definition distinguishes an employee from an independent contractor. Some statutes contain their own definitions. The U.S. Supreme Court has held that when a statute contains the term employee but fails to define it adequately, there is a presumption that traditional agency-law criteria for identifying master-servant relationships apply (National Mutual Insurance Co. v. Darden, 503 U.S. 318, 112 S. Ct. 1344, 111 L. Ed. 2d 581 [1992]).

One comprehensive test that takes into account agency-law criteria and numerous other factors courts have created to define independent contractor status was developed by the Internal Revenue Service (IRS). Known collectively as the 20-factor test, the enumerated criteria generally fall within three categories: control (whether the employer or the worker has control over the work performed), organization (whether the worker is integrated into the business), and economic realities (whether the worker directly benefits from his or her labor). The 20 factors serve only as a guideline. Each factor's degree of importance varies depending on the occupation and the facts involved in a particular case.

Twenty-factor Test

  1. A worker who is required to comply with instructions about when, where, and how he or she must work is usually an employee.
  2. If an employer trains a worker—requires an experienced employee to work with the worker, educates the worker through correspondence, requires the worker to attend meetings, or uses other methods—this normally indicates that the worker is an employee.
  3. If a worker's services are integrated into business operations, this tends to show that the worker is subject to direction and control and is thus an employee. This is the case particularly when a business's success or continuation depends to a large extent on the performance of certain services.
  4. If a worker's services must be rendered personally, there is a presumption that the employer is interested in the methods by which the services are accomplished as well as in the result, making the worker an employee.
  5. If an employer hires, supervises, and pays assistants for a worker, this indicates control over the worker on the job, making the worker an employee.
  6. A continuing relationship between a worker and an employer, even at irregular intervals, tends to show an employer-employee relationship.
  7. An employer who sets specific hours of work for a worker exhibits control over the worker, indicating that the worker is an employee.
  8. If a worker is working substantially full-time for an employer, the worker is presumably not free to do work for other employers and is therefore an employee.
  9. Work performed on an employer's premises suggests the employer's control over a worker, making the worker an employee. This is especially true when work could be done elsewhere. However, the mere fact that work is done off the employer's premises does not necessarily make the worker an independent contractor. 10. If a worker is required to perform services in an order or sequence set by an employer, the employer has control over the worker that demonstrates an employer-employee relationship.
  10. A worker who is required to submit regular oral or written reports to an employer is likely an employee.
  11. Payment by the hour, week, or month tends to indicate that a worker is an employee; payment made by the job or on a straight commission points to an independent contractor.
  12. A worker is ordinarily an employee if an employer pays for the worker's business or travel expenses.
  13. An employer who furnishes a worker with significant tools, materials, or other equipment tends to show that the worker is an employee.
  14. A worker who significantly invests in facilities used to perform services and not typically maintained by employees (such as office space) is generally an independent contractor.
  15. A worker who can realize a profit or loss resulting from his or her services is generally an independent contractor.
  16. A worker who performs for more than one firm at a time is generally an independent contractor.
  17. If a worker makes his or her services available to the general public on a regular and consistent basis, that worker is generally an independent contractor.
  18. An employer's right to discharge a worker tends to show that the worker is an employee. An employee must obey an employer's instructions in order to stay employed; an independent contractor can be fired only if the work result fails to meet the agreed-upon specifications.
  19. If a worker has the right to terminate his or her relationship with an employer at any time without incurring liability, such as breach of contract, that worker is likely an employee.

Further readings

Fishman, Stephen. 2002. Working for Yourself: Law and Taxes for Independent Contractors, Freelancers, and Consultants. 4th ed. Berkeley, Calif.: Nolo.

——. 2000. Hiring Independent Contractors: The Employers' Legal Guide. 3d ed. Berkeley, Calif.: Nolo.Nunnallee, Walter H. 1992. "Why Congress Needs to Fix the Employee/Independent Contractor Tax Rules." North Carolina Central Law Journal 20.

Pacynski, Rick A. 1993. "Legal Challenges in Using Independent Contractors." Michigan Bar Journal 72 (July).

Payton, Janet G. 2001. "Checklist for Determining Independent Contractor Status." Corporate Counsel's Quarterly 17 (October).

Ringquist, Neil A. 1997. Independent Contractor or Employee?: A Practioner's Guide. Chicago: CCH.

Sheppard, Lee A. 1999. "Resolving the Independent Contractor Dispute for the Future." Tax Notes 83 (May): 1282–86.

Treasury Department. Internal Revenue Service. 1987. Revenue Ruling 87-41. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office.

Wood, Robert W. 2000. Legal Guide to Independent Contractor Status. 3d ed. Gaithersburg, Md.: Aspen Press.

Cross-references

Employment Law; Labor Law; Master and Servant.

TAXES. This term in its most extended sense includes all contributions imposed by the government upon individuals for the service of the state, by whatever name they are called or known, whether by the name of tribute, tithe, talliage, impost, duty, gabel, custom, subsidy, aid, supply, excise, or other name.
2. The 8th section of art. 1, Const. U. S. provides, that "congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay," &c. "But all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States."
3. In the sense above mentioned, taxes are usually divided into two great classes, those which are direct, and those which are indirect. Under the former denomination are included taxes on land or real property, and under the latter taxes on articles of consumption. 5 Wheat. R. 317.
4. Congress have plenary power over every species of taxable property, except exports. But there are two rules prescribed for their government, the rule of uniformity and the rule of apportionment. Three kinds of taxes, namely, duties, imposts and excises are to be laid by the first rule; and capitation and other direct taxes, by the second rule. Should there be any other species of taxes, not direct, and not included within the words duties, imposts or customs, they might be laid by the rule of uniformity or not, as congress should think proper and reasonable. Id.
5. The word taxes is, in a more confined sense, sometimes applied in contradistinction to duties, imposts and excises. Vide, generally, Story on the Const. c. 14; 1 Kent, Com. 254; 8 Dall. 171; 1 Tuck. Black. App. 232; 1 Black. Com. 308; The Federalist, No. 21, 36; Woodf. Landl. and Ten. 197, 254.

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