social mobility

Fig. 30 Social Mobility. While changes in the occupational structure can be seen as the main determinant of the extent of opportunities for social mobility (1), and educational institutions act mainly as an avenue of social mobility which is particularly important in modern societies and can also influence who becomes mobile (2), educational institutions (3) also induce changes in the occupational structure.

social mobility

Systematic study of social mobility was pioneered by SOROKIN, who saw all societies as possessing 'selection agencies’, which varied in form between different societies. As have sociologists in general, Sorokin conceived of social mobility, whatever its particular form, as performing vital social functions, e.g. promoting talent, acting as a 'safety valve’. Postwar study of social mobility in industrial societies began in earnest with the undertaking of large social surveys designed to establish overall levels of intergenerational social mobility (e.g. Glass, 1954; LIPSET and BENDIX, 1959). These studies seemed to suggest that levels of upward intergenerational social mobility – especially between manual and non-manual

occupations – were substantially the same in all industrial societies, despite differences in patterns of industrialization, educational structure, etc. Subsequent studies (see Miller, 1960) have refined this finding, pointing to considerable differences in the more detailed patterns of social mobility, e.g. Germany Italy and Spain are less ‘open’ than Britain or the US, and socialist countries have generally had higher levels of social mobility than non-socialist countries (e.g. both eastern bloc countries and social democratic societies such as Sweden, see Heath, 1981).

A further important distinction in studies of social mobility is between structural and nonstructural social mobility, the former referring to movements made possible by fundamental changes in the form of the occupational structure (e.g. in the relative size of particular classes, status groups, etc.) within a particular society, the latter to any movements which do not involve such changes. As indicated in Fig. 30, one main assumption that can be stated in terms of this distinction is that occupational structures are often more fundamental in determining the form and volume of social mobility within a particular society or historical period – i.e. produce 'structural mobility’ – than are differences in educational institutions, individual motivation, etc – i.e. nonstructural sources of mobility. However, although the capacity of the latter to affect levels of mobility may be limited, ‘nonstructural’ factors, such as education, do make a difference, not least where they act to induce changes in occupational structures, e.g. in encouraging ‘occupational upgrading’ or occupational transition, involving the 'substitution’ of nongraduates by graduates, or the more general upgrading in the status and content of particular jobs (compare CREDENTIALISM).

While some researchers have concluded that rates of social mobility in the UK have remained relatively stable and have not increased during the postwar period, studies by GOLDTHORPE et al. (1980) have suggested that overall levels of upward mobility (including entry into the service class) may be higher than assumed. Goldthorpe's suggestion is that most of this increase can be accounted for as 'structural mobility’.

Where EQUALITY OF OPPORTUNITY between social classes is the focus of attention, Glass (1954) argued that it is the extent of mobility once changes in the occupational distribution have been taken into account which is mainly of interest, 'structural mobility’ should be discounted. Payne (1989), however, has argued against any such automatic assumption: that ‘the relative chance of mobility … without the artificial removal of structural change’ is also of relevance. Thus, comparing studies across time (including Goldthorpe's study, conducted in 1972, with the 1984 Essex study, Marshall et al., 1988), we find that while the 'service class's success in retaining class positions does not diminish, the disadvantage experienced by those with working-class origins is ameliorated’ (Payne, 1989).

Complex methodological problems attend all studies of social mobility, including problems of occupational classification (see also OCCUPATIONAL SCALES), reliance on respondents’ memories, and the comparison of older generations with completed careers with younger generations whose careers are uncompleted. In the most advanced studies, highly sophisticated statistical and mathematical techniques may be employed, in which some have suggested ‘techniques’ and ‘measurement’ run ahead of sociological clarity or relevance. A final problem of major significance, is that most studies of social mobility have focused only on men. See also CONTEST AND SPONSORED MOBILITY, HIGHER EDUCATION.

Social Mobility